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Showing posts with label Karl Marx. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Karl Marx. Show all posts

Monday, September 11, 2017

150th Anniversary of Capital : Marx still Highly-Relevant Despite the Critics



Debating Marx's ‘Labour Theory of Value’ and 'Marx on the Environment' on the 150th Anniversary of Marx’s ‘Das Kapital’ (Vol I) ; Responding to the Critics.


Dr Tristan Ewins  ; September 2017

At the ‘ALP Socialist Left Forum’ Facebook group we’ve been discussing Marx’s ‘Labour Theory of Value’.  This is notable because this year is the 150th Anniversary of the publication of Marx’s ‘Das Capital’ (Volume One).

In the relatively-near future I intend restructuring, editing and partially-re-writing a speech I made on that subject.

But for now I would like to discuss Marx's famous 'Labour Theory of Value' specifically.  (and also whether or not Marx 'valued' the natural environment)  Another contributor basically argued that ‘labour theory of value’ (as argued in Capital Volume One) was defunct ; and that it led a lot of people to reject Marx.   This is a pretty common response ; and certainly ‘bourgeois’ responses to Marx have often fixated on discrediting his ‘labour theory of value’.  This has arguably been partly for reasons of interest – and hence a wish to discredit the argument that labour is responsible for all ‘values’ in terms of goods and services. (with the exceptions of land and the natural environment)   But there have been philosophical arguments about the nature of ‘value’ as well.  And there has been much confusion because for Marx ‘value’ is an analytical category with a specific (non-mundane) meaning.

Typically respondents have argued that ‘value is subjective’.   And indeed in my PhD Thesis I approved of (Marxist Revisionist) Eduard Bernstein’s merging of ‘objectivist’ and ‘subjectivist’ elements in his critique of Marx’s Labour Theory of Value.  Therein I argued that Marx did not account sufficiently for the relative privilege of what may be called the ‘labour aristocracy’.


Anyway: Having studied Capital more closely now, though, I feel in a better position to respond with greater confidence.  Here’s my understanding, now, of ‘Labour Theory of Value’.

My understanding is that Marx's labour theory of value is in some ways a self-referential system ; and it makes sense on its own terms. To begin you have to distinguish between the price of labour power sold to employers as a commodity and 'labour theory of value' where ‘value’ is ‘the amount of labour congealed in commodities’.  Though truly the idea of "average socially necessary labour time" does not distinguish between different *kinds* of labour.  That said: Marx does not deny a subjective element to items' values - or to the use values AND exchange values of different kinds of labour power ; He even recognises differences in the relative value of different kinds of labour power at some points in Capital ; but it's true that he doesn't explore that in enough detail. It’s a complication with regard his system and perhaps hence he neglects it. We are unclear how different qualities of labour should be recompensed under socialism for instance.  So yes, there are deficiencies in some of Marx’s notions even though they are internally consistent.

To elaborate: There is a problem not only with the *mechanism* or ‘process’ of Surplus Value Extraction (in the context where all value is ultimately created by labour ; so Surplus Value can be argued for as ‘unpaid labour time’)  ; there is also a problem that while some workers experience extreme alienation (ruinous working conditions, lack of creative control or fulfilment) in return for bare-subsistence, other workers (while technically exploited) experience superior conditions (including pay, creative control, prestige, career paths) ; and historically this is played upon to disrupt solidarity within and across the working class.

But also: While Marx DOES recognise the role of Demand and Supply on the price of labour power ; he does not consider as such ‘the relative worth’ of different kinds of labour once skill, difficulty etc are accounted for.  So under democratic socialism what kind of differences of recompense are possible – or even desirable?  How for instance do we promote solidarity and mutual respect ; but also some reward for skill, difficulty, effort and so on?

Nonetheless *Surplus Value* makes perfect sense. That is: workers *broadly* are paid the means of (relative) subsistence (a privileged minority (labour aristocracy) receive considerably more than the average) ; but there is not "an exchange of equivalents" ; the employer extracts surplus value from workers' labour.  The worker is only recompensed proportionate to a fraction of what he or she creates. That much makes sense. Also 'Labour theory of value' makes sense in that values (as defined by Marx) are created by labour ; and Capital is 'value in motion' ; a process for the cyclical creation of values ; and the production of surplus value ; and hence the reproduction of the capital relationship ; and capitalism generally.  Wages maintain workers at the relative level necessary for subsistence. The surplus is extracted both to pay for the maintenance and expansion of production ; and also for the maintenance of bourgeois lifestyles. All that makes sense. And no wonder capitalists and their apologists have strived to discredit Marx ; because the analytical category of surplus value implies a devastating moral critique of capitalism.

Theoretically some return on (small) investments of capital may be warranted ; because of the real sacrifices the small (working class) investors and some petty bourgeois make. But once you start talking about the bourgeoisie proper it's a different story. Only the bourgeoisie proper has access to such credit or reserves so as to overcome the barriers to entry into certain markets. And whatever risks and initiatives the bourgeoisie take ; the fact remains that Surplus Value is extracted. And what is more that the working class is separated from the means of production ; does not control the means of production ; must labour under the capitalists’ terms and labour discipline ; does not usually have creative control over its labour ; is often employed in monotonous, partial tasks which are profoundly alienating.

So there are big problems with capitalism that Marx is still very useful in analysing. Though he also observes capitalism's inbuilt tendency to drive innovations ; in search of what he calls Relative Surplus Value.  (think of it as a 'temporary advantage' in terms of quality or productivity - often driven by technological advances) That - in tandem with what Marx calls 'the Coercive Laws of Competition' - means that capitalism still drives an enormous amount of innovation and technological development. But capitalism proceeds at a terrible cost to some workers. Especially if you're at the wrong end of the Imiseration process ; ie: if you're a textiles labourer in Bangladesh.

‘Imiseration’ refers to class bifurcation ; as well as absolute impoverishment and ruination – which Marx anticipated.  Relative Western prosperity – largely delivered by technological innovation, qualitative developments, as well as improvements in technology-driven productivity ; has been argued as a refutation of this. But arguably absolute ‘Imiseration’ has also been ‘displaced to the Third World’ ; with an ‘outer dialectic’ where Colonial/Imperialistic exploitation of ‘peripheral’ economies provides ‘relief’ in Western (core) economies.  (eg: cheap consumer goods for Western workers) Nonetheless we do see ‘relative imiseration’ WITHIN Western (core) economies as well ; as with the exploitation of the working poor within the United States. (hence perhaps an ‘external’ aspect to the ‘inner’ dialectic  of class struggle within the US ; ie: middle income (working class) living standards are supported by the exploitation of the working poor) And the global capitalist economy (having integrated economies the world over ; and having integrated the labour-power of women) is again pressing its limits ; leaving the question “what next for growth (and hence capitalism) – if not greater intensity of labour?  (and hence further attacks of the rights of labour)

In summary, David Harvey argues that Marx's Capital (Vol I) makes the most sense when applied to 'economically Liberal' or 'neo-liberal' capitalism especially.  This makes Capital (Vol I) highly useful for understanding Anglosphere economies which have largely gone down that path.  But admittedly Marx did not anticipate the rise of modern mixed economies, advanced welfare states, Keynesian demand management and so on.  Arguably these could comprise ‘stepping stones’ towards a socialist economy and society – while at the same time ‘stabilizing capitalism’.  (reducing cost structures and the like)   Marx is still highly RELEVANT ; but perhaps he is not on his own SUFFICIENT in responding to modern economic and social problems.

As for arguments that Marx did not recognise the  ‘value’ of Nature (one person at our Facebook Forum argued this) ; that is demonstrably untrue if you understand Marx in context.  Marx defines between use values and exchange values. Hence 'a beautiful rainforest' may have no 'value' in the sense of exchange value ; or Marx's schema of 'value' according to his specific (non-mundane) definition as ‘the labour congealed in commodities’.  But remember this is just a technicality based on Marx's definitions... It does not mean (literally) that Marx thinks 'nature has no value'.  Again; In Marx's scheme 'value' refers to the labour congealed in a commodity. But 'USE VALUES' are something else entirely. Marx recognises that things can have USE VALUE without comprising 'values' according to Marx's particular (contextual) definition. So 'a beautiful rainforest' can have a 'use value' in the sense that human beings can appreciate its beauty. And 'nature' may have the 'use value' of being necessary for the reproduction, health and happiness of the human species. Though it’s true Marx doesn't consider what some might call the 'intrinsic value' of nature.  Deep Ecologists may not find as much of interest to them in Marx.

Similarly “work/life balance” has value ; as do domestic and voluntary labour ; as does education, philosophical and scientific enquiry , and art ‘in their own right and for their own sake’.  But capitalism does not ‘see’ or ‘encourage’ the identification of these – EXCEPT insofar as they can be manipulated to somehow magnify exchange value ; ‘creation of ‘values’ in the capitalist context ; production of surplus value ; the self-expansion and reproduction of the capital relationship on which bourgeois power, privilege (and arguably purpose) rest.

On the 150th Anniversary of Capital (Volume I) it is worth revisiting Marx ; and questioning some common assumptions.  In-so-doing we encounter a thinker still highly relevant for the current day. 
Even though some (eg: the ‘Post Marxists’ Mouffe, Laclau and others) have suggested revisions and alterations which are also highly useful, and sometimes inspiring.  The 150th Anniversary is as good a time as any to ‘return to Marx’ and to work out what he’s really saying ; and not just depend on the second-hand accounts of bourgeois-Liberal economists.

Wednesday, August 23, 2017

Das Kapital by Karl Marx - 150th Anniversary Event -- NIB Melbourne September 7th, 7pm





150th Anniversary Of Marx's Das Kapital ; Questions and Answers Event ; New International Bookshop Melbourne, September 7th. Please come along and show your interest and support. I will be there as an ALP Left activist who draws deeply from Marx and Marxism. PLS SHARE THIS WITH YOUR FRIENDS AND NETWORKS.

Tuesday, August 23, 2011

Rethinking Marx, the market and Hayek



Above: David McKnight

In this article David McKnight takes another look at Eric Aarons's analysis of the work and belief systems of Karl Marx and Friedrich Hayek;  McKnight was a long-time member of the Communist Party of Australia; but more recently has promoted an agenda which - in is own words - attempts to venture 'Beyond Right and Left'.   This article will also be published at a dedicated website on 'Hayek versus Marx'; and an earlier review - written by the blog publisher Tristan Ewins - can also be found here:

See:  http://hayekversusmarx.blogspot.com/2011/07/responding-to-eric-aarons-hayek-versus.html

By David McKnight*

 Most people who reach 90 years of age would be enjoying their retirement, perhaps reminiscing, probably relaxing. Instead, veteran political activist Eric Aarons has spent the last five years researching the conservative philosopher and economist Friedrich Hayek and re-reading Karl Marx. While Marx is familiar to many people, Hayek is less well known. Yet Hayek’s ideas have provided the intellectual foundation for the neo-liberal Right which has been so globally influential for the last 30 years. In Australia Hayek’s influence is now better known thanks to Kevin Rudd’s various essays attacking neo-liberalism. Occasionally, Hayek is discussed and defended in the columns of The Australian.

Eric Aarons’ reason for researching these two towering figures has been to produce a substantial book Hayek vs Marx which not only explores their work but also suggests  vital theoretical tools to deal with today’s challenges. The central challenge facing the world, he argues, is climate change but this is merely the earliest manifestation of a profound crisis of sustainability for a planet with seven billion people  and growing.

His book, produced by a major British publisher, appears at an auspicious time. The free market and the dogma of deregulation have been discredited, and in the mass media  there has been talk of ‘the crisis of capitalism’ and references to Marx. As a consequence  of the global financial crisis many hope that the radical decline of the left will now go into reverse. Eric Aarons doesn’t comment on such hopes but it is clear that he thinks that a profound theoretical re-thinking is necessary rather than any movement ‘back to Marx’.

In some ways the book’s title is misleading. The framework of ‘Hayek versus Marx’ suggests that the author (and readers) will fall on one side or the other. In Eric Aarons’ view, both thinkers have deep flaws in their theories as well as valuable insights. The great strength of Hayek was to explain why market mechanisms have virtues which are indispensable in a complex economy and society. He saw markets as a device for the rapid sending of information via prices through a network. On this level, compared to alternatives such as a central planning, they are useful and flexible devices for signaling to producers what their buyers wanted and in what quantity. On this insight Hayek erected a vast intellectual system in which all other social, moral and cultural values had to be subordinated or discarded in favour the market and its central value: freedom.

Marx’s great strength was something about which Marx himself said little but which imbued all his writing. Marx’s ethical values lead him to see the extraordinary injustices that flowed from inequalities of wealth and the 19th century system of industry. Yet these values are buried within his work and instead Marx tried to erect a scientific theory of social development and to discover the laws of history.

The flaws in Marx’s world view were not simply wrong predictions but go deeply to his methodology.  Marx argued in Capital that history changed according to ‘natural laws’ and tendencies which worked ‘with iron necessity towards inevitable results’. On this basis he predicted the immiserisation of the working class. The labour theory of value and his concept of the falling rate of profit have also been shown to simply be wrong, according to Eric Aarons.

Hayek’s methodology is also flawed. Hayek posited the existence of sets of rules which, if followed by societies, enabled them to flourish. As Eric Aarons points out Hayek never simply and clearly identified these rules but they tend to be those commercially based rules which allow markets to function with little restraint. Interference to shape the spontaneous evolution of markets thus becomes the philosophical equivalent of sacrilegious acts ‘against nature’.

Hayek’s proof of this idea was to assert that it was analogous to Darwinian evolution through natural selection. One of the consequences of this approach is that if society has ‘evolved’ then it becomes meaningless to talk about whether that social order is just or unjust; it simply is. Hence one of Hayek’s pet hates -- the notion of ‘social justice’.  But as Aarons says this is pure assertion and not backed by any factual evidence.

As his introduction suggests, this book represents the latest stage of a personal quest that began in the early 1970s when Eric Aarons realized that the theoretical apparatus inherited from Marx and Lenin was inadequate and flawed. His conclusions about these flaws are remarkable considering that he was a leading figure for decades in the Communist Party of Australia. Today his commitment is to rethinking a social philosophy in which traditional Left concerns find a place within a framework dominated by the political need to forestall an impending ecological crisis.  

Like a number of other contemporary thinkers Eric Aarons also sees the need to discuss questions such as: what does it mean to be human, and is there a human nature.  These take us back to the long time span before capitalism, indeed back to the evolution of humans from more ape-like creatures. And then to varieties of human society from the hunter gatherer society to agricultural and to modern industrial society.  Like the philosopher Peter Singer, Eric Aarons rejects the widespread Marxist view that no human nature exists and that humans behavior, needs and outlook are entirely formed  by their social and cultural circumstances. Such assumptions, apart from being factually wrong, he argues, fed the mistaken belief that a perfect economic system could lead to a perfect society.

The central assumption of the book is that relevant and useful theories arise from the problems posed by the objective circumstances. That expresses it rather formally. But what it means is that just as Marx responded to the objective circumstances of cataclysmic changes wrought by industrial capitalism, so we must now develop new theories in the face of the slow but relentless crisis developing around climate and sustainability. This is not to ignore the enormous concentration of wealth and the social power it brings but to acknowledge that the struggle for social equality will take place within a framework dictated by the ecological crisis.

The scope of the book is sometimes frustratingly limited. As Eric Aarons says, neither Marx nor Hayek had a developed notion of politics and both minimised its importance. Democracy was barely mentioned by either of them.  This is something which will strike even adherents as surprising even staggering. Yet to understand the implications of this absence in their theories requires deeper discussion of what occurred when Marxists and neo-liberals actually gained government. Also useful would have been references to the debate on the strengths and flaws of Marx’s ideas that emerged when the Left revived in the 1970s and 80s. A whole generation of Left intellectuals revived Marxism but then abandoned it in favour of other radical analyses of oppression, racism and sexism. Addressing this experience may have gained significant readers for the book.

The book takes up a number of themes which Eric Aarons has explored in recent years. One of the centrality of values and morality as the foundation of a progressive world view. The significance of this is that it implies that a comprehensive ‘theory of everything’ is not the foundation. Trying to ground a radical analysis in yet another creative revision of Marxism is a road to nowhere. That may sound obvious but all over the world such attempts are being made and most are not even creative re-thinkings of Marxism but rather the re-affirmation of eternal truths said to be found in orthodox Marxism.

Eric Aaron’s own view that so far, no ‘internally coherent and viable alterative to capitalist society’ has yet been found. He believes that the single most important step ‘is for every society to reverse the priority capitalism gives to individual material betterment and gain and give that priority instead to social needs’. 

--------------------

David McKnight works at the Arts Faculty at the University of New South Wales. He is the author of Beyond Right and Left: New Politics and the Culture War. He can be reached on d.mcknight@unsw.edu.au

Hayek vs. Marx and today’s challenges

Routledge, London and New York, 2009.


above:  Eric Aarons's 'Hayek versus Marx'


Sunday, July 24, 2011

Critical Review of "Hayek versus Marx - and today's challenges' by Eric Aarons

above: An image of Eric Aarons, who is also a dedicated sculpture artist

Tristan Ewins, the publisher of this blog, has just self-published a critical review of Eric Aarons' book 'Hayek versus Marx - and today's challenges'.  The essay is very long - but the topic matter is very substantial and varied - so warrants it I think. I'm hoping to attract readers and debate with this article - so looking forward to hearing from you.  The introduction - and a link to the full article (at a separate page) are below...

see:  http://hayekversusmarx.blogspot.com/2011/07/responding-to-eric-aarons-hayek-versus.html


24/07/11

"Hayek versus Marx" is the culmination of over a decade of study - and a lifetime of practical experience. Eric Aarons - the former National Secretary of the Communist Party of Australia - and the author of several important books - has taken upon himself an imposing task. This task is that of interrogating the work of Hayek and Marx rigorously and open-mindedly: taking from each, exposing each to searching criticism, and ultimately urging a new social, economic and political paradigm.

Considering in depth the life's work of both these giants of social theory, Aarons urges what is ultimately a synthesis of socialism and economic liberalism. While recognising the necessity of markets and competition; the author is also insistent of the indispensability of co-operation, the struggle against alienation, and the fight for economic empowerment and social justice.

Firstly, we will summarise Aarons' account of Hayek. From there we will consider his account of Marx. Thereafter we will consider both the ideas of Marx and Hayek in further depth, and in light of Aarons' own ideas and criticisms.

In the process, we will consider such themes as economic democracy, alienation, markets and planning, and the 'clash' of free markets and nature.

To conclude we will consider the consequences of Aarons's analysis and conclusions for a Left that has been grappling with its very identity, and its core values since the collapse of "really-existing socialism".

Again: For the rest of this article see:

http://hayekversusmarx.blogspot.com/2011/07/responding-to-eric-aarons-hayek-versus.html

Monday, October 12, 2009

Movement for a Democratic Mixed Economy


What is the Movement for a Democratic Mixed Economy?


What is the Movement for a Democratic Mixed Economy?We’re a network of progressives in dialogue with each other – working to contest the dominant economic paradigm – and to promote an alternative which is democratic; involving mixed forms of ownership. We believe there is a substantial role for the public sector.
We accommodate many positions ranging from the restoration of a “traditional social democratic” model of the ‘mixed economy’ (inspired by the ‘Keynesian Golden Age’) – to more radical positions envisaging extensive public and democratic ownership and control.
We also believe strongly in promoting democratic forms of non-state ownership – co-operativist, mutualist, collective capital formation, participatory economic (PARECON) models...
We believe there is a place for co-operation and competition: planning and markets. And we support discussion of other economic issues of interest to progressives. (eg: principles of post-materialism)
We aim to provide a forum for both radical and more mainstream positions – with a shared objective of challenging the ‘common sense’ of neo-liberalism.
We endeavour to establish the ‘democratic mixed economy’ as ‘common sense’ – and to refashion and contest the relative political and economic ‘centre’.
And though our positions are many and varied – we endeavour to support each other – that all our voices are heard in an inclusive and rational exchange of views.
Again: we support both radical and relatively moderate interpretation of the ‘democratic mixed economy’.
We do not, however, include perspectives which are authoritarian: which deny our liberal human rights.
We seek to include socialists, social democrats, liberals, Greens and libertarian leftists – co-operating and in dialogue with each other.Finally: We are seriously in the business of promoting social change.
To begin we need to build our Facebook Group as an extensive network. But once we are in dialogue with each other – hopefully we will provide a real forum for members to organise and co-operate in pursuit of real social change.
If you are sympathetic with these principles and objectives PLEASE JOIN.
Tristan Vaughan Ewins (Movement for a Democratic Mixed Economy Moderator)

Thursday, July 2, 2009

SERVANT of the REVOLUTION




above: Helene Demuth - servant and lover of Karl Marx

A play exploring a rarely discussed side of Karl Marx premieres in Brunswick (Melbourne) 21 July. Servant of the Revolution takes the point of view of Helene Demuth (Lenchen), the Marx family’s servant and mother of his illegitimate son, Freddy.

Marx’s collaborator Frederick Engels took responsibility for paternity so the truth was hidden during Marx’s life and long after his death, known only among inner circles.

Controversy surrounds his relationship with Lenchen, who lived with Marx after his wife, Jenny, died and outlived Marx. The three were buried in the same plot. Interpretations are complicated by Lenchen’s closeness to his wife and her proximity to Marx from adolescence.

Lenchen entered Jenny’s mother’s household as a servant when she was about 10 years old and Jenny more or less inherited her. The only time the three separated was for a couple of years after Marx and Jenny first married.

Jenny’s biographer HF Peters refers to Lenchen as Marx’s ‘second wife’. While volumes have been written by and about Marx and Engels, and his wife left us a modest autobiography, little is known about Lenchen.

At home Marx was affectionately called Moor, after Shakespeare’s Othello. He was charismatic, dominating and his intellect attracted people. But friend Wilhelm Liebknecht wrote that Lenchen was the domestic dictator.

It is a tantalizing state of affairs, inviting a work of creative non-fiction. Servant of the Revolution is written by Anitra Nelson, author of Marx’s Concept of Money: the god of commodities (Routledge 1999), an academic and occasional short-film maker.

Director Brenda Addie breathes a postmodern absurdist tone into this nineteenth century tale by drawing out the commedia dell’arte that lies in the characters Nelson has chosen to tell the story. Marx does not strut the stage, rather Lenchen (played by Julianne Donovan) and Engels (Ray Tiernan) dominate while the appearance of Marx’s youngest daughter Tussy (Clara Pagone) offers a clear insight into the Marx family neuroses.

Servant of the Revolution is a rare theatrical exploration of socialist and feminist contradictions. See it — you might not view Marx the same way again.

Servant of the Revolution plays at the Mechanics Institute Performing Arts Centre, Brunswick, 8pm Tuesday to Saturday 21–25 July and 28 July–1 August, and 6pm Sunday 26 July. Tickets: $25 (full), $15 (conc.), $20 (groups of 10+) Bookings: 0420 933 101 or servantrevolution@gmail.com

For more details, see — http://servantrevolution.blogspot.com

SleptOn.com

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