Dr Tristan Ewins
As a Biden-Harris victory becomes apparent in the United States
Presidential race it’s well to consider the various stratum of voters and how
they have determined the result. The future is still in question. Although
Trump has lost, voters came out for both tickets in record numbers. The
Democrats need to sustain their current base, and indeed improve upon it in the
future. There’s the question of how the Democrats might in the future do even
better and win control of Congress as a whole, including the Senate. At the
moment policy gridlock is a real prospect.
Despite Trump's loss people are now speaking of the white working class as
if it is a 'natural' Republican constituency.
In a way the Left in the US let this happen. Not only did the white working
class turn away from the Democrats ; the US Left turned away from the white
working class as well. Today class is seen as secondary to racial, sexual and
gender identity.
In reality all of these things matter and the Left needs to build a united
front. But be careful telling a white working class man on minimum wage how
privileged they are. Intersectionality needs to be more complex and nuanced. We
need to do more than just stacking a number of identity categories on top of
each other. Rather we need to look at specific individual circumstance. The
working poor – whether black, latino, white - are not 'privileged' in the big
picture. We also need to look at the social and economic ‘structure’ (ie:
patterned social relations) , and the strategic position of the working class in
this.
Another problem is the myth of the US 'middle class' ; standing in the way
of solidarity between workers more broadly. The US class structure locks the
working poor in place to support the consumption of middle income Americans ;
but leaves 'middle income' Americans insecure enough to be vulnerable
industrially. (the old reserve army of labour again ; with lack of labour market
regulation and industrial rights ; and a lack of a ‘social safety net’ as well)
We need solidarity across the whole working class ; against the top 10% - the
rich and elements of the self-interested labour aristocracy. 'Middle income' is
not the same as 'middle class'.
Again we need to emphasise solidarity across the whole working class ; but
I think the privilege of working poor white people can be exaggerated. Race,
gender and sexuality are seen as more important in determining privilege than
class. Again: In reality it all matters. That said, black people have problems
with the police which white people don't have. Men don't have to worry about
reproductive rights. There's still homophobia out there. But it's not helped
when some people talk of 'poor white trash' and so on. The Right understands the
meaning of 'divide and conquer', and the Left should not fall for it.
I'm not saying ignore sexuality, race and gender. I'm saying what we are
doing to a large extent is ignoring class. I'm saying we're hurting ourselves
electorally and culturally by not attempting to mobilise the working class as a
whole. I'm saying you should not just write someone off because they're a white
male. And our language should reflect this. They could be working poor,
unemployed, disabled and so on. Or they could just be working class ; which is
the layer with a broad enough and strategically placed base to potentially
transition from capitalism.
I'm saying we should also look at peoples' individual circumstances when
working out privilege. The New Social Movements arising from the 60s onwards are
a crucial constituency, and reinvigorated the Left in many ways. But the fact is
workers are still alienated, imiserated and exploited under capitalism. And the
fact is the American Left needs a strategy to win back white workers - not
because they're more important in of themselves ; but because the working class
is stronger when united ; and there's an important (and sizeable) constituency
which can be the difference between victory and defeat.
For instance, there is the US Senate where a Republican majority could
potentially stymie meaningful change. A stronger electoral showing could
overcome this. Race, sexuality and gender are important ; but we can't allow
them to become all-encompassing fault lines. Again ; it's about divide and
conquer. Don't let it happen. So don’t 'write people off' because of identity
categories. Take each person as an individual. The point is many workers are
voting Republican and they shouldn't be. What's gone wrong here and how can we
fix it?
Some people are trying to pin the blame on ‘academic elites’ ; with
‘Critical theory’ and ‘Cultural Marxism’ depicted as alienating the working
class. But critical theory is diverse. Habermas is less about 'identity' than
Marcuse. While Habermas looks at 'Legitimation Crisis' stemming from attacks on
the welfare state, Marcuse looks to New Social Movements to 'fill the vacuum'.
The problem is that the working class as seen by Marcuse in the 1960s is not the
same as today's working class. Today's working class has not been 'bought off'
by prosperity ; but is highly exploited and alienated. In particular there is
job insecurity, a weakened labour movement, and a falling wage share of the
economy. But a 'popular front' of working class and New Social Movements is the
only way to win today. So the Right pays great attention to dividing us against
one another with narratives on ‘political correctness’ and the like. The Left
needs a narrative which engages with more socially-conservative workers while
not compromising on principle.
In Australia we don't campaign effectively on class either. We need to make
peoples' economic self-interest transparent. If we could do that we wouldn't
have to worry so much about "aspirationals".
Looking at how many votes Sanders got the liberals still do need the
socialists in the Democratic Party. (and vice-versa) Biden's victory is
largely because the Left base turned out. This needs to be impressed upon Biden
so that Biden makes it a top priority to deliver on policy. An active industry
policy creating new manufacturing jobs – especially in ‘rust belt’ states –
could be offered in return for health reform (a public option) and a $15 minimum
wage. (indexed) If the Republicans refuse to come to the table here they turn
their backs on the working class constituency the Democrats must try and win
back. So perhaps they will be open to a compromise favouring the Democrat policy
agenda. And then the Democrats can take credit for the policy as well.
Antonio Gramsci talked of a ‘counter-hegemonic historic bloc’ ; an
articulated alliance of forces – including the organised and conscious working
class ; and ‘organic intellectuals’ embedded in that class – as the key to
socialist transition. To this today we must add the New Social Movements. A
counter-hegemonic historic bloc must include the broad working class ; and if meaningful
progress is to be attained the Left cannot allow large swathes of that class to
remain feeling alienated from, and over-looked by the Left.
In short, this means appealing to the working class as a whole ; and emphasising class at least as much as race, gender and sexuality. It means not allowing a critique of race and gender to prevent us from identifying class-based disadvantage. It means not "writing off" white male workers because of race and gender ; but rather applying a nuanced intersectionality which appreciates peoples' unique circumstances. And building solidarity based on this inclusive approach.
In short, this means appealing to the working class as a whole ; and emphasising class at least as much as race, gender and sexuality. It means not allowing a critique of race and gender to prevent us from identifying class-based disadvantage. It means not "writing off" white male workers because of race and gender ; but rather applying a nuanced intersectionality which appreciates peoples' unique circumstances. And building solidarity based on this inclusive approach.
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